|
Voltaire’s Historical Writings
With the exception of Gibbon, who for some strange
reason has been transformed into a grandfatherly icon somewhat on the order
of Dickens, 18th century historical writing has fallen out of the common
currency for the intellectually literate. Hume’s
History of England
is probably the least read book of this over-edited and over-epigonized
author. That it is available at all is due only to the efforts of a small
politically motivated publisher in Indiana. Voltaire’s magnificent histories
are all but unavailable in English. The one translation currently for sale
is the life of Charles XII of Sweden, which, if the rendering of the title
is any indication, is most likely inaccurate and dreadful.
Voltaire wrote a type of history that gained currency
among Enlightenment writers, a history concerned with a commitment to
factual truth and l’esprit philosophique or critical thinking. That
spirit animated both Gibbon and Hume. It fits the tradition inaugurated by Machiavelli, Vasari and Vico
and, importantly for Voltaire, rescued history from various theodicies.
Voltaire perhaps wished to establish a respect for historical truth as a
hallmark of the scientific as opposed to the Christian view of the world.
The spirit of historical accuracy was also of a mind with all the
dictionaries and encyclopedias of the period. The Enlightenment saw a
Continent-wide attempt to produce a canonical corpus of human knowledge.
(The fault is that this attempt was all too often no more than an
intellectual power grab. The product was less a canonical corpus of human
knowledge than a monopolistic corpus of 18th century opinion.)
Despite the disclaimers in The Century of Louis XIV
Voltaire writes a history that is moved by the great men who rule and
sometimes transform their countries. Even the panorama of cultural
accomplishment he lovingly catalogues from the French Classical Age is
credited almost solely to the enlightened patronage of Louis XIV. This
approach was a conscious choice and very much unlike the historiography of
our time. I speculate that Voltaire's choice lay in his opposition to the
Roman church. Anything that could serve the ends of undermining the
popes would receive Voltaire's favorable notice. And since the French
monarchy took on and ultimately slew the papacy, it earned its place in
Voltaire's pantheon as the redemptive force of modern history. The book on
Louis XV concludes with a portrait of the French monarch as possessed of an
almost Molièresque wisdom and restraint
in mediating the squabble between the Jansenists and the bishops over the
papal bull, Unigenitus. Equally the credit for the expulsion and
destruction of the Jesuits was a signal achievement on the part of Europe's
rulers.
It is perhaps the French monarchy's role as an
effective counterbalance to the imperial ambitions of the popes that
accounts for the puzzling hagiographical side of Le Siècle
de Louis XIV. Fénélon for one had
recognized as early as 1694 that Louis XIV had squandered the
immense wealth and military security that Richelieu had carefully garnered
for France in a series of vainglorious and destructive wars and outrageous
waste on personal ostentation. Even Voltaire had to recognize that the
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes undid at a stroke a carefully balanced
policy of religious toleration and would seal the doom of the French
monarchy. His situation is not unlike that of Hobbes whose position appears
paradoxical to the modern reader only because the modern reader is already
convinced of the failure of monarchy and the superiority of representative
democracy. Hobbes, the unabashed ideologue of the theory of absolutism that
was the apparently successful political structure of 17th century France (Un
roi, une foi, une loi), had before his eyes the hypocritical English
parliamentarians who promoted the rights of the people and religious
toleration but created an intolerant theocracy. Voltaire's enthusiasm for
Locke and the Quakers was apparently not sufficient to disabuse him of the
disaster that was Louis XIV.
Voltaire the propagandist and myth-maker appears in his
assertion that there was no French civilization worth speaking of before the
reign of Louis XIV and the emergence of Racine, Descartes and Lully. He
completely ignores Francois I and the Renaissance École de Fontainbleau not
to mention Rabelais, Montaigne and the rest.
Voltaire’s history shows that the gradual dying off of
religious disputes did not end the devastating round of European wars. The
religious wars were simply replaced by dynastic wars. However, his
re-telling of the more farcical aspects behind the Jansenist and Quietist
controversies and the outrage of the Albigensian Crusade are alone worth the
price of admission. Voltaire clearly believes that religious intolerance
such as led to Louis XIV’s revocation of the Edict of Nantes deprived France
of some of its most talented citizens and contributed to the stunning French
defeats in the War of Spanish Succession.
It is fascinating to read a nearly contemporaneous
account of the discovery by Europeans that in the development of new
technology they had far outstripped the rest of the world. During the
British-French struggles of the War of 1741 (The War of Austrian Succession)
and its aftermath
the European powers found to their delight and surprise that even the
strongest non-European empires were hopelessly backward in weapons
development and military tactical knowledge and so powerless to prevent
incursions by European armies. Voltaire still speaks with a certain degree
of respect of India, China and the Ottoman Empire and his few comments on a
European edge in adventuresomeness and commercial daring appear as benign as
his obvious delight at the French victories over their English and Dutch
nemeses. This respect would all but disappear in 19th century
writers. The eighteenth century is like the third act in a great tragedy,
the tipping point before the full fury of European colonialism would be
unleashed on the world.
|